by Mary Elizabeth Naugle
First published in April/May, 2005, Volume 2, Issue 2, The Hatchet: Journal of Lizzie Borden Studies.
This month’s topic arose from an interesting catch brought in by a late night session of web-trawling: three articles in New England Magazine, aptly dated June of 1892, on the Christian Endeavor Movement. In view of the fact that Lizzie was a Christian Endeavorer, the particulars of the stories shed light on several aspects of the case.
First thing, of course, is to establish the fact that Lizzie was indeed a badge-bearing member of the group. We always read that she taught Sunday School and was on the Fruit and Flowers Committee, but Christian Endeavor? Still, the name seemed to ring a bell with the case, so I hauled out the trusty Rebello. At first her connection appeared to be a matter for conjecture alone. Lizzie had joined the Central Congregational Church in 1885, served as Secretary to the Fruit and Flower Mission in 1890, Treasurer to the Young Woman’s Christian Temperance Union in 1892, and, according to Mary Holmes, had been a member of the Women’s Board of the Fall River Hospital for 2-3 years. At unspecified times Lizzie had also done sewing for the needy for 3 winters, and taught Sunday School at the Central Mission (Rebello, 11-12).
These activities are of the Christian Endeavor type, but no affiliation is named. A bit closer was the clipping from 1890 November 11th and 12th’s Fall River Evening and Weekly News quoted in Rebello: “The Young People’s Society of Christian Endeavor of the Central Congregational Church gave a reception, last evening, to Misses Anna, Carrie and Lizzie Borden, in view of their recent return from Europe” (19-20). The event featured an orchestra, soloists, floral decorations (of course), and refreshments. Unfortunately, in the profiles of these young ladies, only Anna is named as a prominent member of Christian Endeavor. Was it possible that the other two were included only out of politeness, since they were, after all, members of the same church?
All questions are put to rest when proof of Lizzie’s membership emerges on page 168, when Rebello reprints the following statement given to the Fall River Daily Herald on August 15, 1892:
Sunday night, at the regular weekly prayer meeting of the Y.P.S.C.E. of the Central Church, of which Lizzie A. Borden is one of the most active members, the following resolution was unanimously adopted to be sent to Miss Borden, with flowers; “We, the members of the Young People’s Society of Christian Endeavor, desire to express to our fellow member, Miss Lizzie Borden, our sincere sympathy with her in her present hour of trial, and our confident belief that she will soon be restored to her former place of usefulness among us [emphasis added].”
No further questions concerning membership—the organization must simply have chosen to distance itself from the notorious Lizzie in after years—but just what can that membership tell us about Lizzie? It may actually tell us a great deal. Popular opinion maintains that Lizzie was a spoiled and lazy wench, whose church activities were those of a social climber and whose brief tenure as Fruit and Flower secretary and WCTU treasurer reveal a superficial interest in the church—probably as a darn good character reference. The New England Magazine stories on the movement may present a different picture.
First, let’s tackle the lazy Lizzie image. She did not have to volunteer as a worker to be involved in the movement. There were two levels of involvement: “active,” which entailed “full assumption of duties” and “associate,” which required only “regular church attendance” (Wells, 525). Therefore she could have slipped out of any duties without losing face or membership. The Christian Endeavorers had been founded in 1881 by the pastor of a small protestant church in Williston, Maine, as an attempt to refill the pews. This goal was achieved by appealing to the younger members with pledge cards, duties, and enthusiastic zeal that was quickly embraced by a young populace with few respectable social outlets for their own age group. Increased membership was achieved by having members sign a pledge to attend services regularly. Those who also accepted church responsibilities had their names called each month in church before the congregation, an event looked forward to by members who basked in the glow of recognition and fellowship. The movement, which resonated for many, being non-denominational, spread rapidly through protestant churches across the nation. By century’s end it had circled the globe.
So, had Lizzie merely wished to affiliate herself with some religious group and do so the easy way, the pledge card would have done the trick. Instead, though, she followed the Endeavorer’s higher road of service, explained by Society President, Francis E. Clark as follows:
The whole theory of the Society of Christian Endeavor is that the young Christian must be trained into strong Christian manhood. It is the idea, in other words, of the industrial training school, which teaches apprentices how to work by working, how to use tools by using them, how to exercise hand and foot and eye and brain that they may become expert in life’s vocation (514).
Lest the reader wonder about gender equality within the movement, Amos R. Wells’ article emphasizes that very aspect: “Christian Endeavor places the maidens and young men on the same plane of service, and it is only fair to give a large share of the credit to the women whose influence, though quiet and unobtrusive, has been so effective” (518). So the Endeavorers would appeal to any young woman seeking purpose, dignity, and equality. But participation on the level chosen by Lizzie would not be easy or frivolous.
As for the church-social climber image, that too, dissolves on investigation. The Endeavor Movement crossed social, economic, and color lines. The upper classes were represented, certainly, but so were laborers, traveling salesmen, soldiers and sailors, even prison inmates. It is further represented as an active group in an 1890s religious weekly printed by the African Methodist Episcopals. All groups (but the inmates) would intermingle at yearly conventions (Clark 524)—hardly an exclusive bunch to appeal to one eager to scale the dizzying heights of the Fall River aristocracy. Lizzie may have been a climber, but not here.
The primary appeal of the early movement seems to have been romantic, even sentimental religious fervor. They were said to “treat the pledge as the knight of old treated his knightly vow” (Wells, 524), and to wear their pledge badges just as those knights carried maidenly tokens into battle. Inspiring stories circulated by word of mouth and through their paper, The Golden Rule, about sailors returning to bring their imperiled schooner through a raging storm because one of their numbers had rushed back for his Bible and pledge badge. Members were said to have asked with their dying breaths to be buried with their badges pinned to their lapels (525). The group was understandably popular with the young and impressionable, but for its idealism, not for its status.
Last of all, there is the charge of inconstancy for us to consider. Lizzie would be associated with a committee for only a year. Does this indicate lack of dedication? Not necessarily. In fact, it follows the Endeavor principle to the letter, as described by Clark: “The Endeavor principle is. . . some definite work for everybody; and each society is divided into committees for certain tasks” (525). Members were encouraged to do service on successive committees—including Sunday School Teaching and Flower Committees that would decorate the pulpit, then distribute flowers afterwards “with loving messages” to the sick and poor (526)—so that “By the time an Endeavorer has served a time on each of these committees in a live society, he will have gained a pretty extensive training in applied Christianity” (526). The committees included (but were not limited to) Lookout, Prayer Meeting, Social, Good Literature, Flower, Calling, Relief, Sunday School, Ushers, Baby Sitting, and others which were organized as rapidly as snappy names could be found for them—names such as “Front Seat Brigades,” “Handshaking Circles,” and “Band of First Getters-Up.” Even if a member joined at infancy, he would reach retirement age before serving on all the many committees for more than a year or so. And this was a society for the young, not the elderly.
Lizzie’s brief associations were only proper and right. They did not end just before the murders nor did she end her association immediately upon acquittal. Instead, her association was ended for her by the chilly reception she received upon her return to church. So with the added ingredient of Christian Endeavor, Lizzie becomes more sphinx-like than ever. She appears to be a Christian martyr or a plotter of infinite patience and hypocrisy or a much more complicated murderess than we thought.
Unless she just wanted the free trip—each church would be sending a representative to New York for that Fall’s convention (Wells, 527). Maybe the Grand Tour had whetted her appetite for travel.
And what happened between the time of the Endeavorers’ public statement of support and her cold reception upon release? Probably Alice Russell happened. You see, Alice, chief witness for the prosecution, was a Christian Endeavorer too.
Note: The Christian Endeavor Movement continues alive and well today. It is credited with inspiring the twelve-step program of Alcoholics Anonymous and maintains an international website: <christianendeavor.com>.
Sources:
“Christian Endeavor,” African Methodist Episcopal Church Review. Vol. 15, no. 3, 1899.
Clark, Francis E. “The Christian Endeavor Movement, Part I—The Early Days of the Society,” New England Magazine. June, 1892, 513-18.
Rebello, Leonard. Lizzie Borden: Past and Present. Fall River, Al-Zach Press, 1999.
Wells, Amos. “The Christian Endeavor Movement, Part II—A New Religious Force,” New England Magazine. June, 1892, 518-28.
Wells, John. “The Christian Endeavor Movement, Part III—The Outlook and the Opportunity,” New England Magazine. June, 1892, 528-29.